They’re not very sensible
Back when Ross Perot was running for president, I marvelled at his apparent belief that all we needed was for someone to go to Washington and, I don’t know, put LSD in the water so everyone would love each other and get along? Really, his entire governing strategy, as he explained it, seemed to be, “I’m going to go there and make ’em all shake hands and get some real work done.” No recognition of the huge ideological gulf between the two sides, just this bizarre Woodstock Nation kind of philosophy that even in the ’60s you couldn’t have sold to a bunch of stoned hippies. But people who look kindly on Obama seem to think that he has the same weird, Sunshine Acid kind of thinking, as if it was all about needing his own special personality to make the flower-wreathed fairy circle emerge. Obama is “weak”, they say, because he didn’t anticipate that real idiological differences could create real acrimony, let alone that blood-and-guts partisanship was so natural to the GOP because they opposed our very form of government. Michael Tomasky seems to be following this line when he calls Obama “The Untransformational President,” neglecting to note that Obama has indeed been transformational beyond his wildest dreams, eliminating all meaningful distinction between the two parties and their policy goals, and ripping the mask of democracy from the face of America once and for all. No president, not even George Bush the Lesser, has done so much to show his contempt for the American people. And, for all his fine words about the hero he apparently doesn’t know anything about, Abraham Lincoln, there is no evidence that Obama is compromising on policy – he has never believed in liberalism and he doesn’t fight for it because he thinks it’s stupid.
Alternatively, there’s “The Sanity Defense“.
Robert Reich, “Why the President Doesn’t Present a Bold Plan to Create Jobs and Jumpstart the Economy: I’m told White House political operatives are against a bold jobs plan. They believe the only jobs plan that could get through Congress would be so watered down as to have almost no impact by Election Day. They also worry the public wouldn’t understand how more government spending in the near term can be consistent with long-term deficit reduction. And they fear Republicans would use any such initiative to further bash Obama as a big spender. So rather than fight for a bold jobs plan, the White House has apparently decided it’s politically wiser to continue fighting about the deficit. The idea is to keep the public focused on the deficit drama – to convince them their current economic woes have something to do with it, decry Washington’s paralysis over fixing it, and then claim victory over whatever outcome emerges from the process recently negotiated to fix it. They hope all this will distract the public’s attention from the President’s failure to do anything about continuing high unemployment and economic anemia.” The stupid-or-evil battle is over. We can see how callous such a calculation would be, and no “explanation” – including electoral calculous – justifies such behavior. If Obama wanted to improve the economy, he could fight for it, he could get up and tell the public what is really needed. He doesn’t want to because, at best, he doesn’t care that much. That lack of regard for the public welfare is evil whether it’s stupid or not. The only question is whether they can actually be this stupid.
Wisconsin: Republicans appear to have lost two seats, the minimum Dems needed to take to have more pull in the state senate. Three would have meant the Republicans lost their majority altogether, but that doesn’t appear to have happened. Of course, no one thinks Kathy Nickolaus hasn’t done some GOP vote-fixing again. Remember, these fights were all in Republican districts, but the battle over Scott Walker’s recall will be state-wide, and if his agenda can lose in even two of these districts this week, it doesn’t bode well for his future in elective office. Greg Sargent: “Whatever ends up happening, Wisconsin Dems and labor have already succeeded in one sense: They reminded us that it’s possible to build a grass roots movement by effectively utilizing the sort of unabashed and bare-knuckled class-based populism that makes many of today’s national Dems queasy. Their effort – whether or not they take back the state senate – could provide a model for a more aggressive, populist approach for national Dems in 2012.“
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